Standing Up For Democracy: Elections in Hong Kong

Beijing battles with pro-democracy political forces in Hong Kong. Ben Haller shares his analysis of the situation.

“I think it is a miracle,” said Nathan Law after learning of the official election results. He had just won a seat on the legislative council representing Hong Kong Island. Only two years ago, Mr. Law was just one of several student leaders of the Umbrella Revolution, which was sparked by Beijing’s decision to handpick the candidates for the 2017 Chief Executive election. Now, Mr. Law is one of the most prominent leaders of the ‘localist’ movement in Hong Kong. And, at twenty-three, he is also the youngest member ever elected to the legislative council. At first glance, his election may not seem that significant. His political party, Demosistō (which roughly translates to ‘standing for democracy’), is not even a year old, he is its only elected member, and the localist camp that he is a part of holds only a small minority of seats in the legislature. However, Mr. Law and the four other newly elected localists represent a huge shift in the SAR’s electoral politics. Traditionally, there have been only two main camps in the legislative council: pro-Beijing and the pan-democrats. The localists represent a new breed of pro-democracy advocates who are more forceful in pushing for the region’s autonomy and self-determination. While they do not call for outright independence, a move that disqualified several candidates this year, it’s hard to imagine many of them outright opposing the idea.Localism has existed in Hong Kong, at least on the fringes, ever since it was handed back to China in 1997, but the prominence of localist politicians and political parties in this particular election can be traced to several recent events, most notably the abduction of several Hong Kong booksellers known for publishing unflattering materials about prominent Chinese politicians. These abductions were evidence to many that Hong Kong’s autonomy could no longer be guaranteed after nineteen years of China begrudgingly respecting the principle of ‘one country, two systems.’ Of course, the abductions are not the only reason for the localists’ success, but they do symbolize the larger issue of Beijing’s growing influence and meddling in the region. Mainland businesses and tourists now dominate Hong Kong’s economy, the electoral system favors pro-Beijing politicians, and there is no clear plan for how Hong Kong will be administered after the special period of autonomy ends in 2047. A balance must be struck between the interests of pro-democracy activists, including localists, and the interests of those in Beijing in order to solve these issues.If the localists can successfully push for guaranteed greater self-determination without incurring the wrath of Beijing, then they will have done their job. Localism should not be allowed to devolve into populist nativism and hostility towards the mainland because, for all their differences, the future of Hong Kong is undoubtedly linked to China as a whole. With that being said, leaders in Beijing should be acutely aware that tightening their grip will only cause more unrest and dissent. The history that has led to Hong Kong being both economically and culturally distinct from the rest of China cannot be undone. The local culture and desire for self-determination should be respected. At the present moment, there is little evidence to support that China will loosen its grip anytime soon. Perhaps in the future as more localists and pro-democracy politicians gain power, China will realize that the best way to deal with them is to simply let them exist. If the Chinese government wants to gain influence without force, then Hong Kong residents must be given no reason to fear it. The future of Hong Kong remains uncertain, but one thing is for sure: the push for self-determination isn’t going away anytime soon.This article was written by Ben Haller. Please send an email to [email protected] to get in touch. Photo Credit: ejinsight.com